{"id":2259,"date":"2018-06-13T09:20:14","date_gmt":"2018-06-13T09:20:14","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/work2.dossetenta.com\/lupicino\/2018\/06\/13\/the-european-union-facing-trumps-iran-challenge\/"},"modified":"2022-08-30T13:43:02","modified_gmt":"2022-08-30T12:43:02","slug":"the-european-union-facing-trumps-iran-challenge","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/lupicinio.com\/en\/the-european-union-facing-trumps-iran-challenge\/","title":{"rendered":"The European Union facing Trump\u2019s Iran Challenge"},"content":{"rendered":"

 <\/p>\n

With our attention focused on the new government, a letter from 4th<\/sup> June, in which various leaders of the European Union and the E3 (France, Germany and the United Kingdom) addressed the Trump Administration, has gone unnoticed. This letter is of the utmost importance because, (i) it is a determining point for relations between the Unites States and Europe, (ii) it finally draws up an outline of the protection mechanisms for European investments in Iran, and (iii) it recognizes a friction between the interests of the US and the EU, the main current challenge of the EU\u00b4s foreign policy.<\/p>\n

The signatories (Federica Mogherini and the Ministers of Foreign Affairs, the Economy and Finance of the E3) request six concrete measures to protect the interests of European companies from the extraterritoriality of the North American sanctions against Iran, and therefore to protect their diplomatic efforts to save the Nuclear Agreement. Meanwhile, Trump has ostracized himself from the rest of the Nuclear Agreement signatories by casting himself against Iran, meaning that a positive response to the European request would contradict his position<\/p>\n

The extraterritorial effects of the North American sanctions also affect European companies that do not have interests in the United States due to the powerful effect that they have over the banking and insurance systems worldwide. The oil company Total, the PSA group (Peugeot, Citro\u00ebn, DS, Opel) and Siemens Germany were among the first to announce their closure of operations in Iran, but many others will be forced to take the same path \u2013 at the cost of considerable economic losses \u2013 if the current uncertainty persists.<\/p>\n

In this context, Europe is trying to protect (i) its own political interests (containing nuclear proliferation to maintain the fragile stability in the region), as well as (ii) the economic interests of its companies. The protection of investments is, in this instance, much more than just a commercial policy, it is as a matter of state at a European level.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Six measures requested by the European Union<\/p>\n

    \n
  1. General exceptions to EU companies.<\/strong> Any European companies which do not operate in a sector subject to European sanctions (especially the military and nuclear energy sectors) could continue their operations in Iran smoothly. The major difference with how they have operated thus far would be that they would have to look for suppliers other than North Americans, as their products could no longer be exported or re-exported in to Iran.<\/li>\n
  2. Exceptions for sectors. <\/strong>In particular, for the pharmaceutical and health sectors, the automotive industry, civil aviation and infrastructure. Of particular note is the case of Airbus, which has signed a contract with Iran for the sale of 100 aircraft \u2014 of which only 3 have been effectively delivered due to problems with ensuring the necessary financing in international markets. The other aeronautical giant, the American company Boeing, had also signed a contract with the Islamic Republic (for an aggregate value of 20 billion dollars), which it has announced it will rescind as a result of the re-imposition of the sanctions.<\/li>\n
  3. Maintenance of banking relations with the Iranian system, primarily the access of the Central Iranian Bank to the SWIFT system. <\/strong>The SWIFT system is a cooperative network founded in Belgium which in the past has been an effective tool in the application of sanctions in Iran by disconnecting Iranian banks from the network to isolate them from the international banking system. However, the reconnection of these financial institutions with the signing of the Nuclear Agreement did not entail the automatic restoration of normal banking relations. Banks have continued to be weary of establishing relationships with Iranian banks, and the zeal of their compliance departments has affected the obtaining of finance, the process of payments, and even the opening of accounts of Iranian citizens in European countries. As a consequence, European companies in Iran have consistently faced delays and operational difficulties. The maintenance of access to the SWIFT system is, although not sufficient, a necessary condition for European companies to continue working on their operations in Iran. SWIFT has not yet discussed the matter, but it seems unlikely that it will confront the Trump Administration and the alternative would be the creation of a parallel and alternative system through the Central European Bank.<\/li>\n
  4. Extension of the transition periods for the closing of operations. <\/strong>Right now, the US has established deadlines for the dismantling of any businesses in or with Iran to end by August and November. This is an insufficient period for companies to disinvest in Iran without suffering large losses in the value of their investments.<\/li>\n
  5. Maintenance of the General Licence H. <\/strong>This licence would allow the foreign subsidiaries of American companies to continue with their business in Iran without having to request special licenses for it.<\/li>\n
  6. Securing the exception for embassy bank accounts. <\/strong>The Trump Administration will almost certainly grant this request.<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n

    Determining moment for European Diplomacy<\/p>\n

    The American press has interpreted the European Charter as a sign of its diplomatic weakness as a bloc. However, the prioritisation of diplomatically agreed solutions has been the norm in European-US relations, and European leaders remaining faithful to this tradition in the face of the new style of US foreign policy is perfectly compatible with their maintaining a firm and united diplomatic position.<\/p>\n

    Europe\u2019s position in this matter, acting as a single unwavering block, could signify a turning point in the way the EU faces the new geostrategic challenges that it is confronted with. The measures it takes will determine the strength of its foreign policy regarding our traditional transatlantic ally and will be both an important step toward the protection of European interests in Iran and a major step towards the consolidation of our common foreign policy.<\/p>\n

     <\/p>\n

     <\/p>\n

    L\u2019union europ\u00e9enne face au d\u00e9fi iranien de Trump<\/strong><\/p>\n

    Notre attention \u00e9tant concentr\u00e9e sur le nouveau gouvernement, une lettre dat\u00e9e du 4 juin dernier est pass\u00e9e inaper\u00e7ue en Espagne. Dans cette lettre, plusieurs dirigeants de l\u2019Union europ\u00e9enne ainsi que l\u2019E3 (la France, l\u2019Allemagne et le Royaume-Uni) se sont adress\u00e9s \u00e0 l\u2019administration Trump. Cette lettre est d\u2019une tr\u00e8s grande importance, car (i) elle repr\u00e9sente un point d\u00e9terminant pour les relations entre les \u00c9tats-Unis et l\u2019Europe\u00a0; (ii) elle d\u00e9finit enfin les grandes lignes des m\u00e9canismes de protection des investissements europ\u00e9ens en Iran\u00a0; et (iii) reconnait une friction entre les int\u00e9r\u00eats des \u00c9tats-Unis et ceux de l\u2019UE, laquelle constitue le principal d\u00e9fi actuel de la politique \u00e9trang\u00e8re communautaire.<\/p>\n

    Les signataires (Federica Mogherini ainsi que les Ministres de l\u2019Ext\u00e9rieur et de l\u2019Economie et finances du E3) r\u00e9clament six mesures concr\u00e8tes afin de prot\u00e9ger les int\u00e9r\u00eats des entreprises europ\u00e9ennes face \u00e0 l\u2019extraterritorialit\u00e9 des sanctions am\u00e9ricaines \u00e0 l\u2019encontre de l\u2019Iran, et donc afin de prot\u00e9ger leurs efforts diplomatiques pour sauver l\u2019Accord Nucl\u00e9aire. Trump, quant \u00e0 lui, s\u2019est enferm\u00e9 dans une position face \u00e0 l\u2019Iran que le reste des signataires de l\u2019Accord Nucl\u00e9aire ne partage pas, et cette position se verrait affaiblie en cas de r\u00e9ponse positive aux exigences europ\u00e9ennes.<\/p>\n

    Les effets extraterritoriaux des sanctions am\u00e9ricaines affectent m\u00eame les entreprises europ\u00e9ennes n\u2019ayant pas d\u2019int\u00e9r\u00eats aux \u00c9tats-Unis, au vu du puissant effet que celles-ci ont sur les syst\u00e8mes bancaires et d\u2019assurances au niveau mondial. La compagnie p\u00e9troli\u00e8re Total, le groupe PSA (Peugeot, Citro\u00ebn, DS, Opel) et Siemens Allemagne ont \u00e9t\u00e9 parmi les premiers \u00e0 annoncer la fermeture de leurs op\u00e9rations en Iran, mais de nombreux autres se verront contraints de suivre le m\u00eame chemin, au prix de pertes \u00e9conomiques \u00e9normes, si la pr\u00e9sente situation d\u2019incertitude persiste.<\/p>\n

    Dans ce contexte, l\u2019Europe essaye de prot\u00e9ger (i) ses propres int\u00e9r\u00eats politiques (endiguer la prolif\u00e9ration nucl\u00e9aire afin de maintenir la fragile stabilit\u00e9 de la r\u00e9gion)\u00a0; ainsi que (ii) les int\u00e9r\u00eats \u00e9conomiques de ses entreprises. La protection des investissements est ici bien plus qu\u2019une politique commerciale, et s\u2019\u00e9rige comme affaire d\u2019\u00c9tat au niveau europ\u00e9en.<\/p>\n

    Les six mesures r\u00e9clam\u00e9es par l\u2019Union Europ\u00e9enne<\/p>\n

      \n
    1. Exceptions g\u00e9n\u00e9rales pour les entreprises europ\u00e9ennes<\/strong>. Toute entreprise europ\u00e9enne qui n\u2019op\u00e8re pas dans un secteur faisant l\u2019objet de sanctions europ\u00e9ennes (le secteur militaire et l\u2019\u00e9nergie nucl\u00e9aire surtout) pourrait continuer ses op\u00e9rations en Iran sans heurts. La principale diff\u00e9rence avec la mani\u00e8re dont elles avaient op\u00e9r\u00e9 jusqu\u2019\u00e0 pr\u00e9sent serait qu\u2019elles devraient chercher des fournisseurs qui ne soient pas am\u00e9ricains, \u00e9tant donn\u00e9 que les produits de ces derniers ne pourront plus \u00eatre export\u00e9s ni r\u00e9export\u00e9s vers l\u2019Iran.<\/li>\n
    2. Exceptions par secteur<\/strong>. En particulier, pour les secteurs pharmaceutique et sanitaire, le secteur automobile ainsi que l\u2019infrastructure et l\u2019aviation civiles. Le cas d\u2019Airbus, qui a sign\u00e9 un contrat de vente de 100 avions avec l\u2019Iran dont seuls 3 ont \u00e9t\u00e9 effectivement livr\u00e9s en raison des probl\u00e8mes pour assurer le financement n\u00e9cessaire sur les march\u00e9s internationaux, est un cas particuli\u00e8rement important. L\u2019autre g\u00e9ant a\u00e9ronautique, l\u2019am\u00e9ricain Boeing, avait aussi sign\u00e9 un contrat avec la R\u00e9publique Islamique (d\u2019une valeur totale de 20 milliards de dollars) et a d\u00e9j\u00e0 annonc\u00e9 qu\u2019il r\u00e9silierait ce contrat \u00e0 la suite de la r\u00e9imposition des sanctions.<\/li>\n
    3. Maintien des relations bancaires avec le syst\u00e8me iranien, principalement l\u2019acc\u00e8s de la Banque Centrale iranienne au syst\u00e8me SWIFT. <\/strong>Le syst\u00e8me SWIFT est un r\u00e9seau coop\u00e9ratif fond\u00e9 en Belgique qui a \u00e9t\u00e9 dans le pass\u00e9 un outil efficace dans l\u2019application des sanctions contre l\u2019Iran, en d\u00e9connectant les banques iraniennes de son r\u00e9seau afin de les isoler du syst\u00e8me bancaire international. La reconnexion de ces institutions financi\u00e8res avec la signature de l\u2019Accord Nucl\u00e9aire, n\u2019a toutefois pas entrain\u00e9 le r\u00e9tablissement automatique de relations bancaires normales. Les banques ont continu\u00e9 \u00e0 se montrer r\u00e9ticentes \u00e0 toute relation avec des banques iraniennes, et leur z\u00e8le a affect\u00e9 l\u2019obtention de financement, la proc\u00e9dure de payement et m\u00eame l\u2019ouverture de comptes en banque de citoyens iraniens au sein de pays de l\u2019UE. En cons\u00e9quence, nos entreprises en Iran se sont constamment heurt\u00e9es \u00e0 des retards et des difficult\u00e9s op\u00e9rationnelles. Le maintien de l\u2019acc\u00e8s au syst\u00e8me SWIFT n\u2019est donc pas suffisant pour que les entreprises europ\u00e9ennes puissent continuer \u00e0 travailler en Iran, mais il est en tout cas n\u00e9cessaire. Pour le moment, SWIFT ne s\u2019est pas prononc\u00e9 sur le sujet, mais il semble improbable qu\u2019il aille \u00e0 l\u2019encontre de l\u2019administration Trump, de sorte que l\u2019alternative serait la cr\u00e9ation d\u2019un syst\u00e8me parall\u00e8le et alternatif \u00e0 travers de la Banque Centrale Europ\u00e9enne.<\/li>\n
    4. Prolongement des p\u00e9riodes de transition pour la cl\u00f4ture des op\u00e9rations<\/strong>. A l\u2019heure actuelle, les \u00e9ch\u00e9ances am\u00e9ricaines pour le d\u00e9mant\u00e8lement des entreprises en Iran ou avec l\u2019Iran se terminent en ao\u00fbt et novembre 2018. Cette p\u00e9riode est insuffisante pour que les entreprises retirent leurs investissements en Iran sans subir d\u2019importantes pertes quant \u00e0 la valeur de leurs investissements.<\/li>\n
    5. Maintien de la Licence G\u00e9n\u00e9rale H<\/strong>. Cette licence permettrait aux filiales \u00e9trang\u00e8res d\u2019entreprises am\u00e9ricaines de continuer leurs affaires en Iran sans devoir demander de licences sp\u00e9ciales pour ce faire.<\/li>\n
    6. S\u00e9curisation de l\u2019exception pour les comptes bancaires des ambassades europ\u00e9ennes en Iran<\/strong>. Cette demande sera certainement accord\u00e9e par l\u2019administration Trump.<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n

      Un moment d\u00e9terminant pour les diplomatique europ\u00e9enne<\/p>\n

      La presse am\u00e9ricaine a interpr\u00e9t\u00e9 la lettre europ\u00e9enne comme un signe de sa faiblesse diplomatique en tant que bloc. Mais la priorisation de solutions diplomatiques consensuelles a toujours \u00e9t\u00e9 la norme dans les relations entre Etats-Unis et Europe, et le fait que les dirigeants europ\u00e9ens restent fid\u00e8les \u00e0 cette tradition face au nouveau style de politique ext\u00e9rieure des Etats-Unis est parfaitement compatible avec le maintien d\u2019une position diplomatique ferme et unie.<\/p>\n

      La position de l\u2019Europe sur ce sujet, agissant comme un bloc uni et sans fissures, peut marquer un avant et un apr\u00e8s dans la mani\u00e8re dont l\u2019UE affronte les nouveaux d\u00e9fis g\u00e9ostrat\u00e9giques qui se pr\u00e9sentent \u00e0 elle. Les mesures qu\u2019elle prend d\u00e9termineront la force de sa politique ext\u00e9rieure face \u00e0 notre traditionnel alli\u00e9 transatlantique et sera \u00e0 la fois un pas important pour la protection des int\u00e9r\u00eats europ\u00e9ens en Iran, ainsi qu\u2019un pas important pour la consolidation de notre politique \u00e9trang\u00e8re commune.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

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